Was Britain's Participation in WWI Justified?
By Andrew Wright
In the summer of 1914 Europe plunged into war. Isolated by the English Channel
and protected by the much vaunted Royal Navy, Britain, as always, had the
chance to decide whether or not to participate in the struggle. After the
German invasion of Belgium, Britain decided to come to the aid of Belgium and
France and subsequently declared war on Germany. During the next four years
Britain would suffer horrendous casualties, lose much of her vast wealth, and
surrender her paramount position as the leading power of the world. But does
this mean it was a mistake for Britain to participate in the First World War?
It is likely that without British intervention the Germans would have won the
war and dominated the continent of Europe. England also had legal and moral
obligations to her allies. Finally, while the Germans' conduct during the war
never reached the brutal excesses of the Second World War, it can be argued
that they were fighting an unjust war, both in their conduct, and in their
aims. For strategic, legal and moral reasons, Britain's participation in the
First World War was justified.
Britain's main weakness is her reliance on imports from across the seas. To
protect her trade and defend herself from invasion, England has historically
built and maintained a vast and powerful navy. To maintain supremacy, the small
island nation has traditionally made sure her navy was at least superior to the
next two dominant naval powers. However, even though Britain in 1914 was still
the foremost naval power in the world, her level of dominance had been
decreasing. The second most powerful navy at the time was the German High Seas
Fleet. While Britain still had a comfortable lead over the Germans, the Royal
Navy could not destroy the German fleet outright. Just by having the second
strongest fleet, Germany was England's greatest potential threat.[1]
Germany's powerful navy guaranteed Britain's hostility. While it is undeniable
that England was dependent upon her navy for survival, the purpose of Germany's
High Seas Fleet is more suspect. As Winston Churchill, who was the First Lord
of the Admiralty at the beginning of the war, remarked, "the British Navy is to
us a necessity; the German Navy is in the nature of a luxury." It is true that
Germany did have some colonies, and was reliant on trade, but by building such
a powerful navy she alienated Britain. In fact it could be argued that this
naval threat alone shifted England's animosity from her traditional colonial
rivals, France and Russia, towards Germany, which was historically a very
reliable ally. Britain tended not to care much about European affairs so long
as there was a balance of power among nations, and as long as none of the
powers tried to offset her naval supremacy.[2]
Britain has always been concerned with the balance of power in Europe. She has
fought many wars on the continent in order to thwart nations that are bent on
European domination. These wars include the war of the Spanish succession
against Louis the 14th, the Napoleonic Wars, and the Second World War. Thus it
can be argued that England joined the conflict in 1914 to reaffirm the European
balance of power. Germany had established herself as the most powerful nation
in Europe after her victory over the French in the Franco-Prussian War. Not
only did she field the most powerful and trained army on the continent, she was
also the most industrially advanced nation. Considering that during World War 1
Germany beat the Russians, brought the French army to mutiny, routed the
Italians at Caporetto, nearly forced the British into the sea in 1918, and
needed the combined industrial and economic weight of the United States to
defeat her, proves Germany had what it took to dominate Europe.[3]
German military and industrial strength were a direct threat to Britain.
Germany's strong army had the potential of overrunning Europe, and her navy was
a threat to England's trade, if not her sovereignty. Once the Germans had
invaded Belgium, the British were afraid of the consequences of Belgium and
France collapsing and of the Germans seizing the Channel Ports. With these
ports the Germans had the potential of raiding England's trade lines or
invading the Island itself. Not since the Napoleonic wars had the English been
faced with such a potential threat and they responded accordingly.[4]
Britain also had a legal case to justify going to war. In the Treaty of London
of 1839, all the great powers of Europe, including Britain and Germany, were
bound to respect the neutrality of Belgium, and if necessary, defend her from
aggression. The Germans had requested that Belgium let their troops pass, and
when her government refused, Germany invaded Belgium on August 4th, 1914. This
was in defiance of the treaty, and in response Britain declared war on Germany.
England also had alliances with France and Russia in all but name. While
officially Britain was dedicated to maintaining her neutrality, in practice the
British and French had made plans to coordinate their forces on the western
front in the event of war. The British government and military had in fact
planned for war with Germany with the writing of the famous "war book" that
went into detail on how British Forces would be deployed to France. The
Director of Military Operations, Major General Henry Wilson, had promised the
French that in the event of war, England would come to her aid. Thus in 1914,
England had legal and moral obligations to Belgium and her friends when they
were attacked by Germany.[5]
Britain also had a moral case for war. In the aftermath of World War 2 the
horrors of Nazism vastly overshadowed the less than reputable conduct of the
Germans during the First World War. However, even before the outbreak of World
War 1 there was a crime perpetrated by the Germans that foreshadowed the
holocaust several decades later. In German Southwest Africa (today's Namibia),
the Germans pushed the Herero people into the Omaheke desert and sealed off all
exits. This along with other brutal campaigns in the German African colonies
resulted in the deaths of as many 400,000 people. While the Germans did not
commit such genocide during the First World War, they did little to stop their
allies, the Ottoman Turks, when they committed one against the Armenian people.
In fact, when asked how he would get away with killing Europe's Jews, Hitler
remarked "Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the
Armenians?"[6]
German conduct during the war itself was quite questionable. They invaded
neutral Belgium unprovoked and killed hundreds of Belgium civilians in dubious
reprisal killings. They broke the laws of warfare when they unleashed poison
gas in the Second Battle of Ypres, bombed British towns with ships and planes,
and sunk merchant shipping (including that of neutral nations) with their
unrestricted submarine campaigns. They plundered occupied territories, treated
the inhabitants harshly, and scorched everything whenever they retreated. While
there is no doubt that the allies exaggerated German atrocities, and German
brutality never reached the horrors of World War 2, it can be argued that their
Germans' conduct during World War 1 was less than civilized.[7]
The German aims of the war cannot be justified either. The Germans never fought
to liberate any nations during the war; they conquered them. They conquered
Belgium and part of France in 1914, Poland and Serbia in 1915, and Romania in
1916. Even while the Germans were desperately trying to subdue France in 1918,
there were some 500,000 German troops on the Eastern Front swallowing up vast
territories and resources that the Germans had successfully gained by signing
the treaty of Brest-Litovsk that ended Russia's involvement in the war. Even
though the Russians were clearly in no shape to threaten Germany by this time,
the Germans were so greedy that they used vital troops that could have made all
the difference in France to conquer half of Russia's industry, 90% of their
coal and 50 million of its people. The way in which she plundered all her
occupied territories and the fact it took all of Europe and the United States
just to contain her, proves that Germany was not fighting a defensive war.[8]
By contrast Britain fought a predominantly just war. England had no territorial
objectives in Europe and was fighting to free Belgium and other nations from
German domination. It is true that she took many territories from the Ottoman
Turks as well as some of Germany's colonies, but in general England was
fighting to contain Germany, and Turkey had joined the war after Britain was
already involved. Unlike Germany, who required most of the world to subdue her,
Britain was very vulnerable and fought a defensive war. Germany's submarines
nearly starved England of resources and only the Royal Navy stood in the way of
a German invasion of England. In fact, Winston Churchill remarked of Lord
Jellicoe, the commander of the Royal Navy, that he "was the only man on either
side who could lose the war in an afternoon."[9]
Britain had a strategic, legal, and moral case for participating in World War
1. Germany was a direct threat to both Britain and the continent. Her navy
threatened British sovereignty and her army had the potential to overrun
Europe. Britain was obliged to help Belgium and her allies because of treaties
and past assurances. Germany's conduct and war aims were unjust. They committed
many atrocities, broke the rules of war and conquered and plundered many
nations. Britain was fighting not only for her own survival, but for the rest
of Europe's as well. Britain's participation in this war was not unjust and was
not completely self serving. As in the Napoleonic Wars before it, and the
Second World War afterwards, the British had little choice but to join in the
conflict, or risk seeing the continent fall to a hostile power. It is time for
both the public and the academic community to rise above the horrific
casualties and war poetry to realize that England's participation in the First
World War was not mistaken, nor in vain.[10]
Show Notes
Footnotes
[1]. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Navy#1914.E2.80.931945
[2]. John Terraine, The Great War (London: Woodsworth Editions
Limited, 1999), 101.
[3]. Garry Sheffield, Forgotten Victory (London: Headline Book
Publishing, 2001), 33-36.
[4]. Garry Sheffield, Forgotten Victory (London: Headline Book
Publishing, 2001), 74-77.
[5]. Garry Sheffield, Forgotten Victory (London: Headline Book
Publishing, 2001), 65-66. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_London%2C_1839
[6]. Gil Merom, How Democracies Lose Small Wars (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2003), 36-37, 44-5.
[7]. Garry Sheffield, Forgotten Victory (London: Headline Book
Publishing, 2001), 50-52.
[8]. Garry Sheffield, Forgotten Victory (London: Headline Book
Publishing, 2001), 60-61.
[9]. Geoffrey Bennett, Naval Battles of the First World War (London:
Penguin Books, 2001), 262.
[10]. Garry Sheffield, Forgotten Victory (London: Headline Book
Publishing, 2001), xi.
Bibliography
Sheffield, Garry. Forgotten Victory . London: Headline Book
Publishing, 2001.
Terraine, John. The Great War . London: Woodsworth Editions Limited,
1999.
Merom, Gil. How Democracies Lose Small Wars . New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2003.
Bennett, Geoffrey. Naval Battles of the First World War . London:
Penguin Books, 2001.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Navy#1914.E2.80.931945
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_London%2C_1839
© 2024 Andrew Wright
Written by Andrew Wright. If you have questions or comments on this article,
please contact Andrew Wright at:
auchinleck4ever@gmail.com.
About the author:
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www.section117.com
About the author:
Andrew Wright is attending his second year at the University of Regina,
majoring in History and minoring in Political Science. His hobbies include
reading, writing, politics, history, Halo (X-Box) and other strategy games like
Chess, Axis and Allies etc. He has lived in Regina, Saskatchewan, Canada most
of his life, but have also lived in London England for a year and travelled
around Europe including: United Kingdom, France, Germany, Holland, Belgium,
Italy, Greece. He has an extensive military history book collection (500 or
more books). He is the author of
After Iraq: A Year in the Middle East.
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